With considerable fanfare, the United
States and China struck a historic agreement on China's membership
in the World Trade Organization (WTO) in November 1999. The
agreement is one of a series of bilateral understandings, to
be followed by a multilateral WTO protocol of accession, that
must be completed before China's WTO membership is finalized.
In political terms, however, the agreement between Washington
and Beijing is the most important step in the process and the
one that has blocked progress in recent years.
It now appears that it will take some months for China to complete
the WTO accession process, but China seems almost certain to
join by the end of 2000. In recent years, it has been the United
States that has pushed China hardest to embrace reforms as the
price for WTO membership. Other countries with a strong economic
interest in pressing China to abide by trading rules, notably
the European Union (EU) and Japan, seem quite happy to allow
Washington to do the lion's share of the work vis-a-vis Beijing's
WTO application. Nonetheless, after Washington declared victory,
the EU and other countries have sought to improve the bargain
on particular issues of interest to their exporters.
Although it has received only limited attention thus far, perhaps
the most fundamental issue raised by China's accession concerns
the readiness of the WTO to handle the unique challenges posed
by China's legal and regulatory system. The WTO has had difficulty
handling similar challenges in countries, such as Japan, which
maintain a legal and regulatory system much more similar to
the western model. The accession of China and a number of other
form non-market economies that are likely to join in the next
several years, such as Russia, could present an insurmountable
challenge both to WTO dispute settlement and future negotiations.
HISTORY OF CHINA'S WTO MEMBERSHIP EFFORT
Before delving into some of the details of the issues surrounding
China's compatibility with the WTO, a brief review of the events
that led to the current state of affairs is useful. After WW
II, the Republic of China (ROC) was an original member of the
General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT), now known as
the WTO. When the communist revolution succeeded in driving
the ROC government from the mainland to the island of Taiwan,
the ROC withdrew from the GATT. 1
Initially, the People's Republic of China had little interest
in western economic institutions like the GATT. With its opening
to the world in the 1970s, however, China became increasingly
interested in western markets for its products, investment,
and loans. China's early achievements in textile and apparel
exports induced it to establish ties with a GATT-affiliated
organization known as the Multi-Fiber Agreement (MFA) in order
to secure markets for its textile exports.2 In the mid-1980s,
China's increasing success in exporting to western markets and
expanding economic ties with the West drove it to seek GATT
membership under the leadership of then leader Deng Xiao Peng.
The process of membership in the WTO, however, was complicated
by the reality of an economy still dominated by the government
and increasingly difficult relations with the West on other
fronts. In 1989, the Tiananmen Square massacre brought on a
chill in relations between Beijing and most western powers,
notably Washington. This effectively froze progress on the issue
until the mid-1990s.
As is always the case with requests to join the world trading
system, a working group was formed to consider China's WTO application.
The working group is made up of WTO members that express a particular
interest in trade with the applicant country. In China's case,
several dozen countries, including the United States, the EU,
Japan, and Canada, became members of the working group. An applicant
must complete bilateral negotiations with each of the members
to gain membership. Usually these agreements involve commitments
from the prospective member to lower tariffs and make other
concessions of interest to the existing member. These bilateral
negotiations aim to bring the trade regime of the prospective
member more in line with those of the existing WTO members,
most of whom have been opening their markets in successive multilateral
negotiations for decades.
Since the WTO's MFN principle requires all WTO members to receive
the same treatment, the concessions granted to one WTO member
must be extended to all. Before the working group completes
its work and forwards the application to the WTO Council for
final approval, the various bilateral understandings are combined
and fashioned into a single comprehensive multilateral understanding.
Any general multilateral understandings on the application of
rules or other related matters are also joined into a single
document at this point to create a single accession protocol.
The bilateral understanding between the United States and China
was hailed as the definitive breakthrough in China's WTO application
process. Ultimately, this assessment will likely prove accurate
since it is the United States that had expressed the most comprehensive
reservations to China's membership and seemed to have the most
concern about China stemming from other matters. After the U.S.
announcement, it quickly became apparent that other working
party members, including the European Union, Canada, and others,
sought to address other matters. The EU expressed particular
interest in the financial services sector and automobile barriers,
while Canada expressed concern over access for agricultural
exports.
In the case of China, the multilateral accession protocol will
also include a number of important generic provisions, such
as a safeguard provision that would allow temporary limits on
Chinese exports that disrupt other markets, rules on calculations
of dumping (unfair pricing) of Chinese exports, and measures
focused on oversight of the implementation process. The substance
of some of these provisions is already negotiated through bilateral
understandings, but the drafting process is likely to push China's
WTO accession further into 2000.
In the United States, China's WTO accession has sparked a
heated congressional debate. Unless procedures are changed,
there is no need for a vote on China's WTO accession. The agreement
on WTO accession was negotiated under the President's constitutional
authority to negotiate with foreign powers and since the agreement
does not directly require changes in U.S. law, no implementing
legislation is needed. With the assent of the Clinton administration
and the other members of the WTO, China can join the WTO without
congressional approval.
The Congress does, however, have a potentially important role
in the process. The extension of MFN by all WTO members to all
other members is perhaps the most central provision of the WTO
agreements. Since 1972, however, the United States has conditioned
the extension of MFN to a list of communist countries, of which
China is one, on the practice of a liberal emigration policy.
The 1972 Act that established this policy, known as the Jackson-Vanik
Amendment, was aimed primarily at improving the flow of Jewish